An article written by Rebecca C. Lewis for the publication City & State New York sought out to be an intriguing profile about the Hudson Valley Republican Rep. Mike Lawler of the 17th District.
In one of the state's most swingiest of swing districts, where Democrats have an 85,000+ registered voter advantage [as of Feb ‘23] over Republicans, how did Lawler get to where he is today? Simply put, he was taken seriously amongst state and local political circles, beginning at the age of 24.
Chris Russell, who works as a partner for the consulting firm Checkmate Strategies, which he founded along with Lawler early on, said, "It's a strange age, in some ways, to run a state party, and to be someone who's trusted to make big decisions… and walk in worlds where people were certainly older and successful and wealthy and powerful."
Lawler had interned for the John McCain presidential campaign in 2008 during his years as a college student, who soon scored a few posts in state party circles. Recruited by New York Republican Party Chairman Ed Cox, Lawler would climb from becoming an assistant to Cox in 2009 to deputy political director, political director, and soon executive director.
Cox noticed immediately that Lawler was "very, very smart, and was always there to make things happen. Very accomplished from a young age."
Russell recounted about Lawler where, "Mike could walk into those rooms when he was 25 and fit in, he was someone who would be taken seriously because he was a serious guy, even at that age."
At a time when he was just hitting the ground and already was building a respectful reputation at an early age, New York Republicans had momentum going for them, having gained control from the Democrats in 2011 for the state Senate. Serving as the party's state executive director, Lawler would have his fair share of campaign work to get through, successful or not.
A couple of years later, Rob Astorino noticed the 27-year-old Lawler, who was then two years into his executive role, and had him take charge of running Astorino's gubernatorial campaign against then-Gov. Andrew Cuomo in 2014. Astorino was known to have previously won in an upset in 2009 against an incumbent Democrat for Westchester county executive.
While the race for the governor's mansion fell short, it certainly was close.
Astorino said that Lawler was "an important reason why we were able to get so relatively close." Before Election Day, it was noted that Cuomo held a considerable lead between 25-37 points, but once the votes were tallied, the difference came to a margin of 13 points instead. Figuratively, it was hard to imagine at the time that Cuomo would lead by less than 21 points.
"He's not afraid to go where he's politically uncomfortable, that's important," Astorino said.
While it may seem to an outsider that Democrats have a stake in how the state runs, Cox thought differently and knew that having entrusted Lawler to help run the party; Republicans could still be in it to win it.
Speaking to the publication, Lawler reflected upon his gift: the ability to communicate. "From the time I was born and started being able to speak, I have never shut up, and so I'm not going to start now… And I think it's a gift that I have to make the most of."
Lawler understood that he wouldn't win in a mostly Democratic-leaning district unless he talked to folks across the aisle; communication is key, especially regarding local issues.
What has made Lawler so appealing is his ability to get into the meat-and-potatoes of local issues, and according to Democrat David Carlucci, a former state senator who used to represent the area, "I think that adage that all politics is local is really key here," he said. "Mike has done a good job of really understanding the politics of Rockland County particularly, and then surrounding areas."
Lawler ran for state Assembly in 2020 and went on to unseat Democratic incumbent Ellen Jaffee, who had served in the state Assembly for seven terms. He became the only Republican to flip an Assembly seat that year while Democrats gained a legislative supermajority.
In his first run for the House of Representatives two years later, he would eventually face then-Rep. Sean Patrick Maloney, a well-established politician who was also chair of the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee (DCCC) - more on that later.
Lawler found success by localizing issues ranging from high property tax rates to public transit and high crime.
While the 2022 midterm elections may have been a referendum on New York politics, as Carlucci indicated, 2024 may be a tough pill for the Lawler camp if Democrats are heavily encouraged to vote. And that's if registered Democrats vote for a Democrat. Nonetheless, national politics may factor in many congressional races nationwide.
Yet, with a presidential race on the horizon, Lawler's uphill battles are nothing new.
Russell, who would go on to work on both of Lawler's campaigns, added that he didn't believe that a candidate as smart as Lawler would normally have chosen to run the uphill races he did.
With the demographics of his district leaning in favor of Democrats, figuratively speaking, Lawler is trying to combat this by highlighting local issues and bipartisan cooperation once he took federal office.
Two areas come to mind: First, working alongside Brox Rep. Ritchie Torres (D-NY) to pass a bill to create an envoy for the Abraham Accords. It's worth noting that the 17th District is one of the nation's most vastly growing Jewish communities. Second, working alongside New Jersey Rep. Josh Gottheimer (D-NJ) on the opposition to congestion pricing in Manhattan since this issue seems to be a tax on suburban voters, which many families in both districts commute to for work purposes.
But not everyone is on par with Lawler. Mondaire Jones, the district's former congressman before redistricting, had said the Republican official was dangerous. "He refuses to stand up for our democracy in the face of the behavior of people like Donald Trump," remarked Jones, "Democracy itself is now on the ballot."
Democrats running for his seat have claimed that despite his statements to the public and in media interviews, Lawler has become "too far to the right…" Those jockeying on the Democratic side, in addition to Jones, are Liz Witmer Gereghty, the sister of Democratic Michigan governor Gretchen Whitmer, and MaryAnn Carr, a former council member of Bedford. Oddly enough, President Biden publicly called Lawler for not being a so-called "MAGA Republican."
For additional context about Jones, the piece briefly stated in a photo that he was "Forced out of his previous district due to redistricting politics." That seems to be a bit misleading. Jones wasn't forced out; he just didn't have the guts to take on Sean Patrick Maloney in a primary at the time.
In two years, New York went through a long legal process of having to redraw its congressional districts after the 2020 Census, as a court-approved special master made a new map in mid-2022. Jones, who had comfortably won election for the 17th District in 2020, faced a political crisis.
Maloney, who had the backing of the national party behind him, formerly represented the 18th District for a decade but sought to move into the 17th after redistricting, creating a potential primary challenge against the progressive incumbent Jones.
Looking elsewhere, Jones sought a possibility to run against progressive Rep. Jamaal Bowman, but the polling wasn't in his favor.
So instead, he rented an apartment in the Brooklyn neighborhood of Carroll Gardens, an hour's drive south where hardly anyone knew him, and hoped to win in a crowded field. It was a cowardly act, of course, but it seemed safer to do so [in theory]. However, a dilemma arises where sometimes the art of politics is to be in a competitive race.
If Jones stood his ground to run against Maloney; perhaps Jones may have found some dignity amongst his progressive colleagues. Even if he lost, it was worth a try. Having gone back to the suburban district he previously represented, it will be challenging to explain to constituents why he left his home district just to come back two years later.
Lawler is another addition to the handful of lawmakers serving in battleground swing districts, for example, Nancy Mace (R-SC). To cater to a particular course of action in this case, "Lawler's public profile starkly differs from other moderate members of Congress who won contentious elections in swing districts," noted Lewis. Yet, while those representing these districts may go quiet on their profile after winning office, Lawler went against the grain and chose instead to increase his public figure, especially being quick regarding bipartisan accomplishments.
President Biden even made positive remarks about Lawler when he stopped by the district back in May. He had praised the freshman lawmaker, saying, "Mike's on the other team, but you know what? Mike is the kind of guy that, when I was in Congress, they were the kind of Republican I was used to dealing with."
Despite Democrats trying to fight their way to get him out of town, they, too, were puzzled about such a remark. Before the New York visit, Biden's own Twitter-X account had an image of Lawler associated with his Republican colleagues, labeling "This is how MAGA Republicans in Congress have chosen to repay them," after voting "to undermine veterans' healthcare."
Ultimately, the next election may likely blow in the direction of national political issues, which means Lawler will have to double down and perform harder at the doors regarding the ground game.
But there still is a sense of optimism, as Astorino said, "I never doubted that (Lawler) could win either his Assembly race or Congress, and I don't doubt that he'll be reelected."
Part of what drives Lawler's ambition is as if there's a feeling in the air that he has nothing to lose. Taken aback by his first run for Assembly, "If I lost, okay great, I gave it my best effort. And if I won, I had the ability to do something to positively impact my community and our state."
He went on to say that he loved being part of the Assembly. Still, there were limitations, too, given that he was in the minority party up against a Democratic supermajority in the state legislature. Despite giving up his Assembly seat to run for Congress, Lawler viewed such a post in state office as a marginal risk. Seeking a better opportunity, he recalled, "you either seize that opportunity or you don't."
In sum, Lawler, who once walked into the rooms of the rich and powerful in his mid-twenties, continues to influence politics a decade later. He knows it's going to be a challenging road to victory during the midst of a presidential election cycle, but he's shown time and time again that he never chose the easy path to get to where he is.
With all the jeers given by the opposite party who wants him out, to the jubilee of the party he worked so hard to help throughout the state, the guy himself said he wouldn't shut up. Good for him for keeping his word. Ultimately, Lawler has found to become respectable and, in doing so, continues to be taken seriously.